Recover your password. Thursday, October 3, Get help. National Indigenous Times. Hayley Garlett. Photo: WAtoday.
Cometh the hour, cometh the woman- The New Indian Express
But one woman, Hayley Garlett, has been praised for her efforts to try and stem the violence. Liberal senator Andrew Bragg suggests model for Voice to Parliament. Australian Aboriginal Mining Corporation to develop first Aboriginal-owned iron ore mine. First Nations disability support historically neglected. Speechwriters, Permanent Secretaries, Cabinet Ministers, foreign heads of government: they all felt the backlash of the stress.
Cometh the Hour, Cometh the Man: A Profile of Boris Johnson
Secretaries, drivers, messengers, telephonists: never. She knew how to use her time. She also knew how to use her good fortune. Although she would never have admitted it, Margaret Thatcher was an immensely lucky politician. As she was also energetic and determined, allowing her a glimmer of luck was like dropping Bradman before he was off the mark.
There would not be another chance for a double century. Dear old Footy: a delightful litterateur, a useless politician. He was worth a point start to the Tories, or the SDP. That said, there were circumstances in which Michael Foot might have come close to Downing Street, and in which Mrs Thatcher would have been obliged to resign. If General Galtieri had accepted the Peruvian peace proposals, there could have been no triumphant recapture of the Falklands.
Before the Falklands, the Tories had started to recover in the polls and even if there had been no war, that would have continued, thanks to Footy. But diplomatic intervention turned the Falklands into a damned close-run thing and with it, the future of Thatcherism. Although her Tory successor might have been able to hold off Mr Foot, he would have abandoned her agenda.
As it was, Churchillian deeds in the South Atlantic gave her the strength to fight a crucial domestic campaign. There too, she owed a lot to her opponent's incompetence.
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If Arthur Scargill had not been besotted by revolutionary fantasies, he would have agreed to the Nacods' peace terms. If so, it is not clear whether the government could have won that strike. It was a victory with enduring consequences. As Mr Scargill's beaten army straggled back to work, the idea that the unions should be entitled to a virtual joint authority with government ceased to be a threat and passed into history.
After six storm-tossed years, Mrs Thatcher had won a distinction which none of her predecessors had attained. Her doctrines had earned a permanent place in the language. Thatcherism had ceased to be an embattled creed associated with a transient politician. It had become a part of the British political firmament.
Domestic Thatcherism is easy to define, for there are only six core principles: four negative, one positive and one historic. Thatcherism meant the end of nationalised industries, supra-legal trade union power, chronic inflation, and confiscatory rates of income tax.
It also meant that all economic activity should take place within a free market. Finally, it meant the end of British socialism as a governing ethos. There might still be Labour governments, but they would not attempt to re-order society or recast human nature. Those were her aims and values.
The extent to which she achieved them entitles her to be regarded as easily our greatest peace-time Premier. But Thatcherism was never a purely domestic phenomenon. Throughout much of the world, she is remembered — in Eastern Europe, revered — as the statesman who helped Ronald Reagan to win the Cold War.
Partly because new dangers now dominate the geopolitical landscape, that victory may appear diminished, as if it had been easy and inevitable. That was not how it seemed in Attempts to extend Thatcherism were much less successful. Take Europe. There, it is clear what Thatcherism ought to mean: a common market, reinforced by political co-operation, but with any loss of sovereignty confined to the minimum necessary to ensure free trade.
There should be no wasteful bureaucracy, and above all no question of a super-state. By the end of her 11 years in office, there had been significant transfers of sovereignty. The single market was still full of imperfections, the bureaucracy more wasteful than ever, and the super-state was still on the agenda. Mrs Thatcher's European policy was unclear and ineffective. It was certainly not Thatcherite. The same applies in other key areas. On education her government replicated her weakness as Education Secretary. There is no reason to believe that the average state-school child received a better education in than in This was symptomatic of a broader problem, one which also defeated Tony Blair and which David Cameron will inherit.
Mrs Thatcher never learned how to use the power of the state to obtain both value for money and desirable social objectives. Here, she had the defects of her qualities, for it would have helped if she had been rather more intellectual. Thatcherism had no theory of the state. When an election was imminent, she would fill the gap by claiming that the NHS was safe with her.
Churchill, Ghandi, Martin Luther King Jr.
Otherwise, and in private, she came perilously close to the position which Carlyle caricatured as anarchy plus the constable. Defence and the police were vital. All the rest of the state was a mere unprivatisable residuum, which had to be preserved for electoral reasons but which would never be much good.
In this, she also displayed the narrowness of her imaginative sympathies. In Margaret Thatcher's world, you worked hard. In so doing, you reaped the harvest of upward social mobility: home ownership, share ownership, a healthy pension, private healthcare and private education. If she had been honest, Mrs Thatcher would have said that apart from a few bizarre, incomprehensible Lefties, it was a mark of economic failure to use state schools and not have health insurance.
Although she has a partial excuse for not doing more on education, in that there were bigger dragons to slay, there is no evidence that she would ever have got the education system in a firm Thatcherite grip. Her lack of imaginative sympathy had another important manifestation. Because of it, the Billy Elliott version of Thatcherism, though grotesquely exaggerated, does not lose all contact with truth.
She did not set out to destroy vibrant working-class communities and replace them with the listlessness of hereditary unemployment. But again, if she had revealed her innermost thoughts, they would have included the belief that most of the unemployed have only themselves to blame: that those who really want work will always find it.
It must also be remembered that most of the industries which Mrs Thatcher is accused of destroying were already in the gun-sights of globalisation. They could not have continued to provide those who worked in them with a first-world standard of living. This country had impoverished itself by subsidising sunset industries. Eventually, that would have had to stop.